Venezuela propondrá defensa energética a países latinoamericanos

Venezuela propondrá a los países latinoamericanos y caribeños un tratado de defensa energética que enfrente medidas como las dictadas el martes por Estados Unidos en contra de la empresa estatal Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), anunció el día 26 el ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, Nicolás Maduro.

La propuesta será discutida durante la III Cumbre de jefes de Estado y de gobierno de América Latina y el Caribe (CALC), que se reunirá el 5 y el 6 de julio en la isla venezolana de Margarita, indicó el diplomático.

Maduro dio declaraciones este jueves al canal oficial Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), donde reiteró el repudio del gobierno venezolano a las medidas económicas dictadas por el Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos.

El presidente Barack Obama impuso el pasado martes sanciones económicas a PVDSA y a otras seis empresas extranjeras por realizar transacciones comerciales petroleras con Irán.

El secretario de Estado Adjunto, James Steinberg, dijo que las sanciones prohíben a PVDSA hacer negocios con empresas estadounidenses o recibir créditos a exportaciones, e indicó que las medidas buscan impedir que Irán obtenga recursos en apoyo de sus supuestas «actividades nucleares ilícitas».

La medida no impide que Venezuela coloque en Estados Unidos sus exportaciones petroleras, estimadas en 1,2 millones de barriles diarios, de acuerdo a cifras suministradas por el ministro de Energía y Petróleo, Rafael Ramírez.

En respuesta miles de trabajadores petroleros, dirigentes políticos del gubernamental Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUVE), seguidores del presidente Hugo Chávez y numerosos venezolanos se concentraron hoy por segundo día en las regiones petroleras y en Caracas para repudiar la medida.

Maduro dijo que 32 países latinoamericanos y caribeños discutirán mecanismos para reforzar la integración energética regional y defender sus vastas reservas naturales.

El diplomático reiteró que la cumbre dará paso al nacimiento de la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (CELAC), un nuevo bloque regional que sustituirá a la CALC y a la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA), sin la participación de Estados Unidos ni de Canadá.

Maduro también se trasladó a la sede de PDVSA en Caracas, donde cientos de personas continuaban protestando contra la medida estadounidense.

“El imperio quiso poner de rodillas a la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo, OPEP, (…) pero vamos a salir airosos y fortalecidos de esa coyuntura”, agregó Maduro en declaraciones transmitidas en vivo por VTV.

“Al parecer el gobierno de Estados Unidos no ha abandonado la estrategia del ex presidente Ronald Reagan de destruir la OPEP, cuando hoy en día bombardea a Libia, país miembro de esta organización, y arremete contra Venezuela”, sostuvo el diplomático.(Xinhua)
27/05/2011

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Inversionistas se preocupan por la trampa alcista contra el dólar

Por el impasse sobre límite de préstamos de la Tesorería de E.U., el dólar está en momento difícil

Escrito por: PETER GARNHAM

Los alcistas del dólar se están poniendo nerviosos. Hace sólo algunas semanas, la moneda estadounidense se fue deslizando hacia un bajo récord. Desde entonces se ha recuperado, lo cual ha sido un movimiento que algunos creen que podría anunciar una recuperación sostenida justo cuando la Reserva Federal está en vías de terminar el programa de dinero barato que esta ha bombeado en los mercados financieros.

Muchos inversionistas quedan cortos de dólares, especialmente contra las divisas vinculadas a la materia prima y las asiáticas. Pero los alcistas del dólar están recortando posiciones antes de finales de junio, cuando la Fed termine su segunda ronda de “alivio cuantitativo”, apodado “QE2”.

Desde que la Fed comenzó la compra de bonos, cuyo objetivo era bajar los costos de préstamos y soplar vida en la recuperación de E.U., el dólar ha disminuido significativamente. El efecto fue inundar el sistema bancario con reservas de libre disposición.

De ese modo, el dólar se volvió una forma atractiva de financiar las “operaciones de especulación financiera”, en cuyas divisas de bajo rendimiento son vendidos para financiar la negociación de activos de más alto rendimiento tales como las materias primas, acciones y divisas vinculadas a las materias primas.

“La disolución de la moneda, tal vez más que cualquier otro factor, ha provisto especuladores con la razón convincente de vender el dólar en el mercado de cambio global extranjero”, dice Michael Thompson, jefe de valuación y estrategia de riesgo de Standard & Poor’s.

“En nuestra opinión, la conclusión del QE2 elimina en gran medida la presión fundamental que ha estado pesando sobre el dólar en los últimos años”.

Thompson dice que esto podría provocar una oleada de poca cobertura ya que los inversionistas compran nuevamente los dólares que vendieron antes, un fenómeno que puede indicar el fondo de una tendencia descendente. Hay señales de que este proceso está ya de camino.

La data del Chicago Mercantile Exchange, que es frecuentemente usada como un indicador para la actividad de los fondos de protección, muestra a los especuladores el reducido valor de sus apuestas contra el dólar por US$8 millardos hasta US$25.5 millardos en la semana del 17 de mayo. Esto significa que las apuestas contra el dólar estuvieron a su nivel más bajo desde enero y por debajo de los niveles récord a principios de este mes.

No es solamente que los fondos de protección han estado reduciendo sus apuestas contra el dólar. Mansoor Mohi-uddin, director de estrategia de cambio extranjero de UBS, dice que los gestores monetarios tales como los fondos de pensión también han estado reduciendo sus posiciones en las últimas semanas.

Esto ha sido reflejado en la acción del precio en los mercados mundiales de divisas. El índice del dólar, que sigue su progreso contra el conjunto de las seis divisas principales, se ha recuperado casi un 5% desde que llegó a una baja de 33 meses de 72.696 el 4 de mayo y actualmente está en 76.077.

Las minutas de la última reunión de políticas de la Fed proporcionó el detonador para el rebote. Ellas establecieron los principios para guiar la política monetaria en el futuro, mientras aseguraban al mercado que el QE2 se detendría, según lo planeado, a finales de este trimestre.

Mohi-uddin dice que había solicitado a los inversionistas que consideraran no sólo el fin del QE2, sino también los próximos pasos de la Fed para apretar la política monetaria, que además podrían incluir el cese de reinversión de los activos con vencimiento de la Fed en los mercados de bonos, la disminución de la frase “extenso periodo” de tasas de interés considerablemente bajas en la declaración de política de la Fed y el primer aumento en la principal tasa de financiamiento de la Fed.

“Las últimas comunicaciones de la Fed muestran que el mercado de divisas está equivocado en asumir que la Fed estaría súper floja indefinidamente”.

Mohi-uddin cree que el dólar tiene espacio para recuperarse, mientras la resolución de la Fed de terminar el QE2 disminuye la demanda por operaciones de especulación financiera y mejora la confianza de los bancos centrales asiáticos y los directores de reservas en la moneda de E.U.

Otros factores han estado empujando el dólar adicionalmente en ascenso, la crisis de deuda de la eurozona y los temores sobre el crecimiento global han sido respaldados, con los inversionistas atraídos a la moneda de E.U. y otros puertos tales como las Tesorerías y el franco suizo.

Lee Hardman, estratega de cambio extranjero del Banco de Tokio-Mitsubishi UFJ, dice que la disputa sobre la legislación para aumentar el límite de deuda de E.U. estaba intranquilizando a los inversionistas. “En estas circunstancias, el puerto seguro de las divisas del dólar, el franco suizo y el yen, es posible que extiendan su rendimiento superior en los próximos meses”, él dice.

Pero, dado el impasse sobre el límite de préstamos de la Tesorería de E.U., nadie está tan optimista respecto al dólar. Si el Congreso no actúa para incrementar el tope de deuda para principios de agosto, E.U. enfrenta el pronóstico teórico de impago de su deuda.

Axel Merk, presidente y  jefe oficial de inversión de Merk Investments, dice que el daño irreparable puede haberse hecho al dólar y a su estatus de reserva.

En el momento, el gobierno de E.U. puede girar la deuda existente, pero no puede emitir nueva deuda, él expresa. Esto ha creado una situación donde puede expandirse el temor de que allí simplemente no habrá un suministro de deuda suficientemente grande para cumplir con la demanda de inversión.

La preocupación de Merk es que la creciente escasez de Tesorerías obligue a los bancos centrales extranjeros a desplegar las reservas fuera del mercado de bonos gubernamentales de E.U.

“A medida que los bancos centrales ganan experiencia operacional en menos mercados líquidos, ellos no pueden regresar a las Tesorerías de E.U. una vez que sea resuelto el estancamiento en el Congreso. Ellos pueden acelerar su diversificación lejos del dólar”.

En relación al límite de deuda, el impasse sobre este asunto puede, contra-intuitivamente, haber provisto el dólar con apoyo, escribe James Politi.

Técnicamente, la primer votación en la Cámara de Representantes de E.U. para resolver el problema será la próxima semana, pero se espera que fracase. Los republicanos votarán contra una propuesta de aumentar el límite por US$2,400 millardos sin ninguna reducción de gastos para mostrar que no hay suficiente apoyo para los planes de gasto de los demócratas.

La votación real y conclusiva para aprobar el incremento del límite probablemente será en julio, aunque a los demócratas les gustaría verlo antes.

VERSIÓN AL ESPAÑOL DE ROSANNA CAPELLA

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Gilani asks Karzai to dump US and ally with China: WSJ

Wednesday, April 27, 2011, 12:30 [IST]
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Yousuf Raza Gilani

Washington, April 27: Pakistan Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has asked Afghan President Hamid Karzai to dump United States and instead align with China for help in striking a peace deal with Taliban and rebuilding the economy, a media report has claimed.

«The pitch was made at an April 16 meeting in Kabul by Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, who bluntly told Afghan President Hamid Karzai that the Americans had failed them both,» the Wall Street Journal reported quoting senior Afghan officials familiar with the meeting.

«Karzai should forget about allowing a long-term US military presence in his country,» Gilani said, according to the Afghan officials.

The Journal reported that Pakistan’s bid to cut the US out of Afghanistan’s future is the clearest sign to date that, as the nearly 10-year war’s endgame begins, tensions between Washington and Islamabad threaten to scuttle America’s prospects of ending the conflict on its own terms.

The report was immediately denied by Pakistani Ambassador to the US Husain Haqqani.

«Reports claiming Gilani-Karzai discussion about Pakistan advising alignment away from US are inaccurate,» Haqqani said in his tweet message.

The news report comes within days of publication of secret US cable, released by WikiLeaks, in which top US officials have been quoted as saying that Pakistan’s spy agency ISI is a terrorist organization.

«Afghans in the pro-US camp who shared details of the meeting with The Wall Street Journal said they did so to prompt the US to move faster toward securing the strategic partnership agreement, which is intended to spell out the relationship between the two countries after 2014,» the daily said.

«The longer they wait the more time Pakistan has to secure its interests,» one of the Afghan officials was quoted as saying.

«Pakistan would not make such demands. But even if they did, the Afghan government would never accept it,» Karzai’s spokesman Waheed Omar told WSJ.

However, US officials are not taking such development very seriously, the daily reported.

«The US officials sought to play down the significance of the Pakistani proposal. Such overtures were to be expected at the start of any negotiations, they said; the idea of China taking a leading role in Afghanistan was fanciful at best, they noted,» it said.

«Yet in a reflection of US concerns about Pakistan’s overtures, Commander of the US-led coalition Gen. David Petraeus has met Karzai three times since April 16, in part to reassure the Afghan leader that he has America’s support, and to nudge forward progress on the partnership deal,» the Journal quoted Afghan and US officials as saying.

Gilani led a delegation of Generals and intelligence chief to Kabul in mid April.

PTI

http://c.moreover.com/click/here.pl?r4557681638

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LIBIA: ¿GUERRA POR RECURSOS HÍDRICOS?

Publicado: 02 abr 2011 | 08:16 MSK

En los años ochenta Muammar Gaddafi inició un proyecto a gran escala de aprovisionamiento de agua que cubriría Libia, Egipto, Sudán y Chad sin recurrir a los fondos del FMI que hace pensar a los analistas en la aspiración del monopolio global de los recursos hídricos por parte de Occidente.

Los recursos acuáticos como factor clave en la política mundial

Actualmente los recursos acuáticos representan un factor clave en la política mundial. En el sur de Libia se ubican cuatro grandes depósitos de fluido con 35.000 kilómetros cúbicos de agua. Los expertos indican que los recursos libios son de especial interés, aún más importante que el petróleo.

Un metro cúbico de agua desde los embalses de Libia, teniendo en consideración todos los gastos, podría ascender a 35 centavos, indican los analistas. Considerando el coste del metro cúbico europeo de dos euros, el valor de las reservas hídricas de los depósitos de Libia alcanza unos 58 billones de euros.

El proyecto acuático de Gaddafi

En el quinto Foro Mundial del Agua en Estambul las autoridades libias presentaron su proyecto de abastecimiento de agua por un valor de 25.000 millones de dólares, que fue bautizado como «la octava maravilla del mundo» ya que supone la creación de un río artificial. Los trabajos se han llevado a cabo desde los ochenta bajo el control de Gaddafi. La conducción del agua debe extenderse hasta los 4.000 kilómetros. Según las investigaciones, el plan es más económico que otras variantes alternativas.

Además, el Gran Río Artificial de Libia es considerado uno de los más grandes proyectos de ingeniería realizados que provee agua del desierto del Sáhara en Libia desde los acuíferos fósiles.

Muy por debajo de las arenas del Sáhara, antiguos acuíferos han depositado reservas, con más de 40.000 años de existencia, de agua pura y apta para el consumo humano.

El sistema tiene la capacidad de bombear agua desde unos 1.300 pozos en el desierto y mover 6,5 millones de metros cúbicos de líquido cada día a las ciudades de Trípoli, Bengasi, Sirt y otras.

La construcción todavía continúa hoy en día. En la actualidad, 4.000 tuberías de 4 metros de diámetro transportan agua hasta los grifos de los hogares libios.

Durante la apertura de una sección del proyecto, Gaddafi destacó su importancia diciendo que «se convertirá en la respuesta más fuerte a EE. UU.». El expresidente de Egipto Hosni Mubarak también fue un gran defensor de este proyecto.

El proyecto de Libia no se integra bien en los planes de Occidente

El proyecto de Libia podría crear una verdadera «revolución verde» al resolver una serie de problemas con los comestibles en África y, consiguientemente, garantizar la estabilidad y la independencia económica. Para el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) y los cárteles mundiales es más lucrativo ofrecer sus propios proyectos costosos como, por ejemplo, la dulcificación de agua y la intención independiente de Libia no se integra bien en sus planes, indican los expertos.

Agua frente petróleo, ¿cuál es más costoso?

Los expertos destacan que el precio del agua desalada ofrecida por las empresas israelíes, europeas y estadounidenses a los estados africanos es de 3,75-4 dólares por metro cúbico. Y las reservas de solo tres de los cuatro depósitos de Libia ascienden a 35.000 kilómetros cúbicos. Multiplicado por cuatro dólares supone 140 billones de dólares de presunto lucro para los países de Occidente.

Libia tiene reservas probadas de petróleo que se estiman en 5.100 millones de toneladas. El precio actual por tonelada es de unos 935 dólares, multiplicado por el volumen de reservas supone unos 4,7 billones de dólares. En comparación con la cantidad de agua calculada sobre la base de un precio de 35 centavos (en lugar de 4 dólares), ascenderá a una suma de 10 billones, dos veces más que el precio de las reservas de crudo.

http://actualidad.rt.com/economia/global/issue_22457.html

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Financial Heist of the Century: Confiscating Libya’s Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWF)

By Manlio Dinucci

Il Manifesto (translated from Italian by John Catalinotto) – 2011-04-22

The objective of the war against Libya is not just its oil reserves (now estimated at 60 billion barrels), which are the greatest in Africa and whose extraction costs are among the lowest in the world, nor the natural gas reserves of which are estimated at about 1,500 billion cubic meters. In the crosshairs of «willing» of the operation “Unified Protector” there are sovereign wealth funds, capital that the Libyan state has invested abroad.

The Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) manages sovereign wealth funds estimated at about $70 billion U.S., rising to more than $150 billion if you include foreign investments of the Central Bank and other bodies. But it might be more. Even if they are lower than those of Saudi Arabia or Kuwait, Libyan sovereign wealth funds have been characterized by their rapid growth. When LIA was established in 2006, it had $40 billion at its disposal. In just five years, LIA has invested over one hundred companies in North Africa, Asia, Europe, the U.S. and South America: holding, banking, real estate, industries, oil companies and others.

In Italy, the main Libyan investments are those in UniCredit Bank (of which LIA and the Libyan Central Bank hold 7.5 percent), Finmeccanica (2 percent) and ENI (1 percent), these and other investments (including 7.5 percent of the Juventus Football Club) have a significance not as much economically (they amount to some $5.4 billion) as politically.

Libya, after Washington removed it from the blacklist of “rogue states,” has sought to carve out a space at the international level focusing on «diplomacy of sovereign wealth funds.» Once the U.S. and the EU lifted the embargo in 2004 and the big oil companies returned to the country, Tripoli was able to maintain a trade surplus of about $30 billion per year which was used largely to make foreign investments. The management of sovereign funds has however created a new mechanism of power and corruption in the hands of ministers and senior officials, which probably in part escaped the control of the Gadhafi himself: This is confirmed by the fact that, in 2009, he proposed that the 30 billion in oil revenues go «directly to the Libyan people.» This aggravated the fractures within the Libyan government.

U.S. and European ruling circles focused on these funds, so that before carrying out a military attack on Libya to get their hands on its energy wealth, they took over the Libyan sovereign wealth funds. Facilitating this operation is the representative of the Libyan Investment Authority, Mohamed Layas himself: as revealed in a cable published by WikiLeaks. On January 20 Layas informed the U.S. ambassador in Tripoli that LIA had deposited $32 billion in U.S. banks. Five weeks later, on February 28, the U.S. Treasury “froze” these accounts. According to official statements, this is «the largest sum ever blocked in the United States,» which Washington held «in trust for the future of Libya.» It will in fact serve as an injection of capital into the U.S. economy, which is more and more in debt. A few days later, the EU «froze» around 45 billion Euros of Libyan funds.

The assault on the Libyan sovereign wealth funds will have a particularly strong impact in Africa. There, the Libyan Arab African Investment Company had invested in over 25 countries, 22 of them in sub-Saharan Africa, and was planning to increase the investments over the next five years, especially in mining, manufacturing, tourism and telecommunications. The Libyan investments have been crucial in the implementation of the first telecommunications satellite Rascom (Regional African Satellite Communications Organization), which entered into orbit in August 2010, allowing African countries to begin to become independent from the U.S. and European satellite networks, with an annual savings of hundreds of millions of dollars.

Even more important were the Libyan investment in the implementation of three financial institutions launched by the African Union: the African Investment Bank, based in Tripoli, the African Monetary Fund, based in Yaoundé (Cameroon), the African Central Bank, with Based in Abuja (Nigeria). The development of these bodies would enable African countries to escape the control of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, tools of neo-colonial domination, and would mark the end of the CFA franc, the currency that 14 former French colonies are forced to use. Freezing Libyan funds deals a strong blow to the entire project. The weapons used by «the willing» are not only those in the military action called “Unified Protector.”

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Denuncian cárcel de militares colombianos llena de privilegios y comodidades

Bogotá, 3 abr (EFE).- La cárcel de la Base Militar de Tolemaida de las Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia, donde están recluidos más de 150 militares condenados por crímenes de lesa humanidad, es un lugar lleno de «privilegios y comodidades dignas de un hotel», denunció hoy la revista Semana.

Según un listado, en el penal conviven 269 oficiales, suboficiales y soldados, y de éstos 179 permanecen en estado activo.

«Los militares condenados por las más graves violaciones a los derechos humanos han gozado de extravagantes privilegios», explica Semana.

El llamado Centro de Reclusión Militar (CMR) de Tolemaida está localizado a menos de 100 kilómetros al sur de Bogotá, en el municipio de Melgar, departamento del Tolima, en el centro de Colombia.

El escándalo de esa prisión estalló en enero pasado cuando se divulgaron privilegios de algunos de los internos.

Entre los supuestos privilegiados figuran los mayores retirados Juan Carlos Rodríguez, alias «Zeus», condenado a 12 años por ser el jefe de seguridad del capo del cartel del norte del Valle alias ‘Don Diego’, y de César Maldonado, condenado a 25 años por participar en 2000 en el atentado contra el congresista Wilson Borja.

Semana señala que el lugar «parece más un club de descanso que una cárcel de alta seguridad» y que muchos de los condenados «entran y salen como ‘Pedro por su casa’, tienen negocios dentro y fuera de la prisión y no viven en celdas sino cabañas».

Muchos de estos militares reclusos añade la publicación, «siguen activos y recibiendo sueldos y otros beneficios, pese a tener en firme condenas que llegan a los 40 años».

Incluso, resalta luego, «hay hasta presos que pasaron vacaciones en San Andrés y Cartagena» o muchos con teléfonos celulares y televisión satelital.

Otros de los internos tienen negocios propios, como restaurantes y cafeterías o servicios de autobuses y taxis, dentro y fuera de la cárcel.

Ante las denuncias, el comandante del Ejército, general Alejandro Navas, alega que las irregularidades fueron controladas y corregidas, se destituyeron oficiales que estaban a cargo de la cárcel y se trasladaron algunos presos.

El segundo comandante del Ejército, general Ricardo Vargas, por su parte, señaló a la misma publicación que «se van a suspender los teléfonos celulares de los internos, y se está estudiando con el Inpec (Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario) la forma de conseguir teléfonos públicos».

«Estamos mirando cómo se hace la transición de manejo individual de los negocios para convertirlos en recursos que sirvan a toda la población. Los taxis y todos los vehículos que tenían los presos ya se suspendieron», añadió Vargas.

Sobre los condenados que siguen activos, y a diferencia de otras fuerzas, donde el retiro es expedito, en el Ejército «el proceso puede tomar años» dijo Vargas. Y añadió que está haciendo una revisión. «Espero no encontrarme ninguna sorpresa», puntualizó.

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Wikileaks: 10% de las tierras en Colombia son de narcos o ‘paras’

El crítico panorama de la posesión rural en el país es el retrato de un cable Wikileaks de 2007.

Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, 'Jorge 40' En cable enviado a Washington, la Embajada americana en Bogotá manifiesta que el problema de tierras ha empeorado en los últimos 20 años. La actividad ilegal de ‘Jorge 40’ y la apropiación de tierras es un ejemplo.

La pelea por la tierra sigue alimentando el conflicto colombiano y las repetidas reformas agrarias han resultado ineficientes. Esta afirmación, que hoy se constata con los continuos asesinatos de líderes campesinos que buscan recuperar tierras arrebatadas por grupos ilegales, fue advertida por la Embajada de Estados Unidos en Bogotá. Un cable diplomático enviado a Washington a comienzos de 2007 detalló el crítico panorama sobre la posesión rural en Colombia, que no se aleja mucho del desafío al que se verá enfrentado el Estado cuando entre a ejecutar la ley de víctimas que hoy hace trámite en el Congreso.

En 2007, el tema estaba vigente porque se tramitaba en el Congreso la ley de desarrollo rural, y en ese momento el reporte diplomático la calificó como una iniciativa para promover la distribución de tierras, en medio de los reclamos de organizaciones de derechos humanos, en el sentido de que el asunto podría terminar en la legalización de tierras producto del despojo del paramilitarismo o de otros grupos armados ilegales. De entrada, el cable dejó constancia de que, según algunos estudios especializados, los grupos de autodefensa y el narcotráfico podían controlar hasta el 10% de la tierra en Colombia.

Un alto funcionario del Incoder comentó en la Embajada que la iniciativa del Gobierno era acelerar la distribución de tierras y fomentar el uso de las áreas productivas. No obstante, recogiendo las opiniones de los sectores de oposición, el informe a Washington precisó que, desde esta última óptica, lo único que iba a suceder era que los paramilitares iban a legalizar sus tierras y luego se iba a forzar a los indígenas y afrocolombianos a comprarlas. Otra fuente del Incoder rechazó este punto de vista asegurando que las tierras de estas comunidades estaban protegidas constitucionalmente y no podían ser vendidas.

El cable incluyó además un diagnóstico del Banco Mundial,
en el que quedó manifiesto que la inequidad de la posesión de la tierra en Colombia había aumentado significativamente en los últimos 20 años. Y esa evidencia, según la fuente, tenía como sustento la compra de tierras por parte de grupos de narcotraficantes y la venta de esos mismos predios a grupos armados ilegales. El cálculo de posesión ilegal de la tierra podía alcanzar el 4 ó 5% del área total de la propiedad rural en Colombia, es decir, cerca de 4,5 millones de hectáreas en manos ilegales. Difícilmente la ley en trámite podía resolver este grave dilema.

Citando estudios del sacerdote jesuita Fernán González, el cable diplomático explicó que Colombia no había seguido el patrón de latifundio común, con tierras coloniales posteriormente distribuidas a campesinos a través de reformas agrarias, sino que se habían dado procesos de colonización en zonas remotas o de frontera y que la mayoría de propietarios habían ocupado tierras sin títulos. Posteriormente, cuando estas tierras fueron cobrando valor, se impuso la violencia para su posesión. Esta circunstancia forzó a los campesinos a moverse hacia zonas aún más remotas donde el ciclo volvió a repetirse.

Según el informe diplomático, el Instituto Colombiano para la Reforma Agraria (Incora) ha sido el programa más ambicioso hasta la fecha. Pero ante la perspectiva de una nueva iniciativa en la materia, el cable incluyó las observaciones del Banco Mundial y de la agencia norteamericana USAID, porque los proyectos no eran escogidos con análisis técnicos y económicos, tampoco habían implementado un proceso efectivo para desarrollar proyectos de restitución de tierras y, en la práctica, habían cambiado los valores reales de la tierra porque los propietarios podían pedir lo que quisieran.

La visión norteamericana era realmente pesimista. El cable detalló cómo habían crecido las compras de predios en zonas rurales en la Costa Atlántica por parte del paramilitarismo, a tal punto que en el computador confiscado al jefe paramilitar Jorge 40 se había encontrado información sobre compra de tierras entre los 2,5 y los 5 millones de hectáreas. Un caso parecido de adquisición de tierra por vía ilegal había quedado en evidencia en la Costa Pacífica, donde los paramilitares estaban desplazando a las comunidades afrocolombianas con el propósito de desarrollar plantaciones de palma africana.

En tal sentido, la Embajada de Estados Unidos en Colombia notificó a su gobierno de que se estaban verificando todas las ayudas de los fondos norteamericanos para asegurar que no llegaran a financiar directa o indirectamente a aquellas personas que habían comprado tierras de manera ilegal. De hecho, manifestó de manera expresa el cable que esa asistencia ya había sido negada para algunos finqueros que estaban desarrollando cultivos de palma africana. Era claro que paramilitares, narcotraficantes y guerrilleros estaban repitiendo los patrones de conquista de otras épocas, forzando a los campesinos a entregar sus predios.

No obstante, el reporte a Washington dejó constancia de que devolver las tierras adquiridas de manera ilegal a sus verdaderos dueños iba a ser muy difícil por la falta de títulos legales. Y que, además, ya era manifiesto el miedo de los campesinos de aceptar tierras por parte del Gobierno porque los dueños anteriores podían vengarse con el propósito de recobrar esos bienes. Como lo manifestó el citado sacerdote Fernán González, el fenómeno de la ilegalidad en la propiedad rural ha seguido vigente por la falta de presencia activa del Estado y por ausencia de una reforma agraria que entregue títulos a los campesinos.

En medio de las dudas sobre el proyecto de ley de desarrollo rural que entonces se tramitaba en el Congreso, no sólo por sus dificultades inherentes sino porque el organismo encargado de implementarla, el Incoder, había sido blanco de presunta corrupción e incluso se había relacionado a un exdirector por sus supuestos nexos con los grupos paramilitares, la Embajada de Estados Unidos dejó constancia de su pesimismo. En esencia, por los enormes obstáculos para hacer cumplir la Constitución y la ley respecto a los derechos a la propiedad rural de  indígenas,  campesinos y  afrodescendientes.

La iniciativa de desarrollo rural cobró forma a través de la Ley 1152 de 2007, pero dos años después, en marzo de 2009, fue declarada inexequible por la Corte Constitucional, pues durante su trámite se omitió el acatamiento al Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT), en el sentido de haber eludido la consulta con las comunidades beneficiarias del proyecto. Hoy, una vez más, es la propiedad rural el tema de discusión en el Congreso con la ley de víctimas y restitución de tierras, pero el diagnóstico que la Embajada de Estados Unidos produjo en 2007 sigue siendo el mismo para este problema crónico.

Reforma agraria, una deuda histórica

Desde la Independencia en 1819, la posesión de tierras representa un dilema para el Estado y la sociedad colombiana. Por eso no han faltado  iniciativas por una reforma agraria integral. En el siglo XIX, ese ideal llegó con las reformas sociales en el gobierno de José Hilario López, entre 1849 y 1853.

Sin embargo, no se lograron los objetivos y entre guerras civiles y  constituciones se aplazó el reparto integral de tierras. Ya en el siglo XX hubo tres momentos que revivieron esa opción. Durante el primer gobierno de Alfonso López Pumarejo, en 1936, a través de la Ley 200. Luego, en el cuatrienio de Alberto Lleras Camargo, y finalmente, en la gestión de Carlos Lleras, a partir de 1966, cuando nació el Incora y se puso en marcha una audaz propuesta de reforma con un líder escencial: el entonces ministro de agricultura Apolinar Díaz Callejas. No obstante, el tema sigue en deuda.

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Another Protester Dies In Bahrain

Another Protester Dies In Bahrain

By Bahrain Youth Society

03 April, 2011
Countercurrents.org

Death of a suspect protester after 7 days in detention.
This is the case no 27 of “Extra judicial killing” since 14 February
Urgent actions are requested to save the lives of hundreds of other detainees

The Ministry of interior has announced today, 4 March 2011, the death of Mr Hassan Jassim Mohammed Makki, aged 39, in a detention centre where he has been kept since his arrest on 28 March as a suspect of being involved in the recent unrest. The General Inspector of the Ministry, Ibrahim Habib A-Ghaith, claimed that the cause of death is a hereditary blood disease suffered by detainee. Source:
http://www.policemc.gov.bh/news_details.aspx?type=1&articleId=7568

The death of Hassan Makki brings the number of people who lost their life since the beginning of protests, on 14 January, to at least 27, among them one child and one women. (List attached).

? Ali’s brother told Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights: » That Ali suffered from hereditary blood disease , but not dangerous for him. Ali One and half years did not went to the hospital because of this disease «.

Ali’s Relative told : » After we saw his body , we noticed torture in the hands , legs and back »

There is high concern on the physical and psychological well being of hundreds of citizens who have been in detention since 14 February with no access family or legal counseling while whereabouts is unknown. Therefore, Urgent actions are requested to save the lives and secure their well-being.

List of people killed in Bahrain since 14 th February 2011 (Updated 30 March 2011 ):

•  Below is a list of documented cases. However, t here are scores of missing people some of home are seriously injured or might have lost their lives

•  The list includes three police men, a according to the Interior Ministry, were affiliated with the government security services and died as a result of being «run over by an unidentified car». The list also includes non-Bahrainis.

•  Photos of persons killed can be found on the following link: https://www.facebook.com/album.php?aid=273888&id=206539711585&l=be355ba00b )

No Name Age Area or country of origin Date of death Details
26 Sayed-Ahmad Sa’eed Shams 15 Saar

 

 

 

 

 

30 March

 

 

 

 

Born Sep. 1996.Student in Duraz secondry school. Died on the way to the American Mission Hospital in Sar after being shot in the face by security force.

 

25 Isa Mohammed 71 Ma’ameer 25 th March Died of asphyxiation in his home after police fired tear gas in the village of Ma’ameer . His family called the emergency room but there was no response from Salmaniya hospital. Ma’ameer had been blockaded by police forces and a lack of hospital assistance made it impossible to revive him. Sons of the victims said that they were forced by the ministry of intrior to sign that their father death was of natural causes.
24 Aziz Jumma Ayyad

 

33 Al-Hajar / Hamad Town

 

 

 

 

 

24th March

 

 

 

 

 

Has been working at the Bahrain Defense Force (BDF) for 10 years. His family lost contact with him for 10 days, during which the BDF denyed that they have any one with that name. On 24 March they the family was contacted by the authorities to tell them that he is admitted to the military hospital. Two hour later they were contacted again to tell them that Aziz is dead as a result of heart attack. According to death certificate he died 9 days arlear. There are suspensions that being a Shiaa, his death could be caused by government thugs.

Source: http://www.alwasatnews.com/3123/news/read/534200/1.html

23 Hani Abdul-Aziz Abdullah Jumah

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  Khamis

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24th March

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A cleaner and the father of year-old twins, left the family’s house at about 5 p.m. on March 19. His father, told Human Rights Watch (HRW) his son was responding to a cry for help outside just as riot police began sweeping through the neighborhood. Fifteen minutes later, a witness said, the younger Jumah was seen running from the Khamis roundabout pursued by eight riot police wearing helmets. «Hani was running toward the nearby building, which was under construction, and the police were 15 meters behind him,» the witness said, «He ran straight past my house.» Another witness said he had seen police chase Jumah into an empty apartment building under construction, but only realized an hour-and-a-half later that Jumah had not left the building after the police did. Local residents went to search for Jumah. They found him unconscious, lying in a large pool of his own blood. He sustained massive injuries to his knees and arm caused by being shot at point-blank range with a shotgun. HRW examined the scene of the attack on March 22, three days afterwards, and found fragments of bone, which a medical expert confirmed to be fragments of knee bone consistent with being shot at close range, as well as a tooth and pieces of human tissue still stuck to the wall and ceiling of the empty room, apparently the result of the velocity of the shots that maimed Jumah.

Witnesses told HRW that they rolled Jumah onto a carpet provided by a local resident and brought him by car to a nearby private hospital, where doctors struggled for nearly two hours to stabilize him after massive blood loss. Jumah’s father said that at about 9:20 p.m. , an ambulance arrived from the Bahraini Defense Force (BDF) Hospital, accompanied by two masked police officers, and the officers announced they were transferring his son to that hospital. That was the last time Jumah’s family saw him.

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/03/23/bahrain-investigate-shooting-arrest-man-caught-police-sweep

Photo: http://dc16.arabsh.com/i/02803/gexqwrgihw0x.jpg

https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?pid=941380&id=201903626489070

Death certificate: http://twitpic.com/4d87mt

Photos of body: http://14feb.no-ip.org/showthread.php?t=264857

 

22 Bahia Abdelrasoul Al-Aradi (Ms)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

51 Manama

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

20th March

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A female nurse. She was shot in the head on 17 th March by sniper She was on the phone with her younger sister when she was shot. According to witnesses who came to her aid from nearby houses. They claim they were also shot at by the military vehicles parked on a highway near Al-Gadam roundabout. Video of the car after the incident: http://wlcentral.org/node/1428 . Bahia ‘s family refused to take her body when they were asked to sign a paper saying that she died in a car accident. Final official death certificate stated that Bahia died as result of «severe brain injury»

 

 

 

 

 

21 Jawad Mohammed Ali Shamlan

 

 

 

 

 

48 Al-Hajar

 

 

 

 

 

 

20th March

 

 

 

 

 

 

Gunshot in the stomach. Signs of beating on his back. On 16 March he went to work at Khamis police station but did not come back home. A person answered his mobile saying to the family that Shamlan is killed. They family were unofficially informed that he was at the Military hospital. 21 March a relative recognized his body at the morgue at Suleymania Hospital .

 

 

20 Abdul-Rasoul Hassan al-Hujairi

 

 

 

38

 

 

 

 

Bouri

 

 

 

 

20th March

 

 

 

 

Was stopped at a checkpoint on 17 th March. Ministry of interior reported finding his body in a remote area in Awali and contacted his family on March 20 th to receive his body. Signs of harsh beating all over the body.
19 Aklas Miah

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

50

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bangladish

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  Has been in Bahrain for 31 years, A father of 3 girls. Died as a result of bullet wound in the head during an attack on Sitra village by security forces, reportedly while defending woman protestors. Buried on 23 March in Gulap Gong village in Sylhet , Bangladesh .

Photos of body:

http://14feb.no-ip.org/showthread.php?t=264481

18 Isa Radhi al-Radhi

 

 

47

 

 

Sitra

 

 

19th March

 

 

Was missing since 15 March, family was called to pick up the body. He was severely beaten all over his body and his skull and neck were broken. His legs bear pellets of bird shotgun. The official death certificate states that the cause of death was broken skull and brain bleeding.
17 Fareed Mugbel 31 Bangladish 19 th March Was injured in Manama on 13 th March during clashes between pro-government thugs and protesters
16 Ali Ahmad Rashid Al-Mraisi 30 Rafa’ 17 th March According to the Interior Ministry, he is affiliated with the government security services and was killed during clashes with anti-government protesters. Died as a result of being «run over by an unidentified car» in Sitra on March 15.
15 Mohammed Faruq Abd al-Samad al-Balooshi   Pakistani March 16 According to the Interior Ministry, he is affiliated with the government security services and was killed during clashes with anti-government protesters. Died as a result of being «run over by an unidentified car»
14 Kashef Munther 21   March 16 According to the Interior Ministry, he is affiliated with the government security services and was killed during clashes with anti-government protesters. Died as a result of being «run over by an unidentified car»
13 Ahmed Abdulla Hassan 22 Daih/Hammad Town 16th March Bird shotgun wounds in the neck, back and legs
12 Jaffer Mohammed abd-Ali 41 Karraneh 16th March Live bullet pierced arm and settled in his chest
11 Jaffer Abdulla Ma’yuf

 

 

30

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Aali

 

 

 

16th March

 

 

 

Shot with birdshot in the leg during the raid of roundabout, and then with a live bullet on the 13back and settled in the chest. He was unable to reach Salmaniya hospital. They took him to Jidhafs medical center which was not equipped to treat such cases. The bleeding was heavily continuing, so they took him to Ibn Nafees Hospital (private hospital), but he died before reaching the hospital.
10 Steven Ebraham 48 India   Shot by a stray bullet while on work as a security guard.
9 Ahmed Abdulla Farhan 30 Sitra 15th March shot in the head with stun grenade at point blank
8 Ali al-Demestani     13th March Run over by car
7 Abdul-Redha Mohammed Buhmeid 32 AlMalkiya 21th February Shot in the head
6 Ali Mansoor Khudhair 53 Sitra 17th February Bird shotgun wounds
5 Mahmood Ahmed Makki (Abu-Takki) 23 Sitra 17th February Bird shotgun wounds
4 Ali Ahmed Abdulla al-Moumen 23 Sitra 17th February Bullet in hip, main artellies were cut in both legs which caused him to bleed to death
3 Isa Abdul-Hassan 60 Karzakkan 17th February Bird shotgun wounds
2 Fadhel Salman al-Matrook 31 Mahooze 15th February Bird shotgun wounds
1 Ali Abdulhadi Mushaima 21 Daih 14th February Bird shotgun wounds

Other relevant information:

•  Alayam, a pro- government newspaper, reported that Rashid Hamad Al-Ma’amari, a taxi driver, was beaten by “terrorists”, whilst Al-wasat daily newspaper reported details by an eye witness that it was a traffic accident.

•  A Pakistani worker died when Pearl Roundabout was razed.. huge concrete pieces fell on the crane he was operating…he died on the spot.

 

New contact no. for Mohammed Al-Maskati ( President of the Bahrain Youth Society For Human Rights)

Line phone: +973 17 595 134 , Cell phone: +973 36 43 70 88

Possible to follow the news on:

Twitter: https: / / twitter.com / byshr

Facebook: https: / / www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=19803144680&ref=ts

E-mail: info@byshr.org , eu-office@byshr.org

Or contact (for media and breaking news), Mr. Mohammed Al-Maskati, head of the Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights

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Eternal Punishment: Obama Leads Third Century Of Imperial Revenge On Haiti

Eternal Punishment: Obama Leads Third Century Of
Imperial Revenge On Haiti

By Chris Floyd

03 April, 2011
Empire Burlesque

The blood and thunder (or is it thud and blunder?) of the American-led intervention in Libya has obscured one of the more revealing episodes of our times — especially for those many millions who still cling to the idea that Barack Obama is somehow an improvement, however slight, over the ruthless, lawless, corroded souls who preceded him in the post of imperial manager.

We speak of course of the American rigging of the election in battered, helpless Haiti — a brazen effort to disenfranchise the majority of the population and ensure the election of a vicious — but acquiescent — client to the presidency. This sordid episode comes complete with a personal intervention by the Nobel Peace Laureate himself to try to continue the exile and persecution of the democratically elected Haitian president overthrown by George W. Bush in a brutal coup.

Even as he was scheming with the CIA to put covert American «boots on the ground» in the Libyan civil war, Obama and his dream team have been maneuvering like mad to put one of a pair of right-wing fanatics into office in Haiti while excluding any other candidates from the running — including those from Haiti’s biggest political party. Obama also personally called South African President Jacob Zuma to ask to keep holding Bush-ousted former Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Africa and prevent him from returning to his native land before the election.

With the sublime hypocrisy that has become the hallmark of this most mendacious militarist administration, an Obama spokesman said the Peace Laureate opposed Aristide’s return due to «deep concerns that President Aristide’s return to Haiti in the closing days of the election could be destabilising,» adding that the defender of freedom and democracy believes «that the Haitian people deserve the chance to choose their government through peaceful, free and fair elections.»

Even from Team Obama, this is pretty rich. After blocking the largest political party from running, then forcing a run-off between two former supporters of vicious coups, Obama said he didn’t want Haiti’s democratically elected former leader to return to the homeland he was trundled from at gunpoint by Bushist goons in order to give the Haitian people «a free, fair election.»

The result has been a record-low turnout and run-off so riddled with corruption that it may be weeks before one of America’s hand-picked stooges is declared the winner. Meanwhile, Aristide did return — Zuma told Obama plainly that Astride was a free man, he had a passport from his home country, and «I cannot hold him hostage.» He did not interfere with the election, he endorsed no candidate. Most of his supporter simply boycotted the election, because of its blatant illegitimacy.

So this is what Barack Obama and his partner in imperialism, the globe-trotting Hillary Clinton, have been up to on the side while they are killing children in Libya and bluntly declaring to Congress that Obama will not acknowledge any restriction on his imperial will to wage war where whenever and wherever he damn well pleases. As John Caruso notes in a blistering post:

In an episode that makes the importance of democracy subversion in Haiti eminently clear, even while the popular uprising in Egypt was peaking, our Secretary of State was dispatched to Haiti to ensure that Michel «Sweet Micky» Martelly advanced to the presidential runoff election rather than Jude Celestin (she flew there literally right after she’d finished putting out the administration’s Egypt spin on the Sunday morning talk shows). So just who is this U.S. favorite?

Seven months after his inauguration, President Aristide was overthrown by a US-backed neo-Duvalierist military putsch on 30 September 1991. «Sweet Micky» was one of the principal cheerleaders of this three-year coup, which claimed some 5,000 lives, according to Amnesty International.

In the years following Aristide’s restoration to power in 1994, Martelly became obsessed with hatred for the man. In a video from not too long ago, which can be seen on YouTube, the candidate threatens a patron in a bar where he has performed. «All those shits were Aristide’s faggots,» he says. «I would kill Aristide to stick a dick up your ass.»

You can certainly see why Clinton made the trip. And if the Obama administration doesn’t manage to get this homicidal homophobic Duvalierist into power, they’ll still end up with the Secretary General of the right-wing RDNP party (and wife of a former right-wing «president» of Haiti). Win-win!

…As I’ve written before, anyone who feared that our first black president might not be sympathetic to the need to smash the democratic aspirations of the first free black nation in the hemisphere can rest assured: Obama will never let race—or anything else—stop him from doing the empire’s dirty work.

No, indeed. Doing the empire’s dirty work is the Obama Administration’s raison d’etre. Caruso helpfully points us to this incandescent post by Linh Dinh:

As firemen and cops are being fired across America, as teachers are being told they must accept austerity measures, the country is broke, after all, as public radio and television, with their supposed liberal bias, lay on the chopping block, as more homeless sprawl and tent cities spring up, as casinos, a sure sign of desperation, mushroom, the United States has entered another costly war without any fanfare or discussion whatsoever. Obama didn’t have to persuade anybody, no sending a Secretary of State to make a fool of herself in front of the United Nations’ General Assembly, no congressional vote, which, last time I checked, was supposed to be a Constitutional requirement, no media blitz. No lies even. He simply ordered more than a hundred Tomahawk missiles, so far, to rain down on Libya, with many more to come. In any case, this it not even a war, but merely a «kinetic military action,» according to an Obama aide. Such straight faced butchery of language, even as one butchers real people, shows that the United States has entered a deep psychotic state. Upon winning the Nobel Peace Prize, Obama himself declared, «I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence.» …

The President of the United States is a traveling salesman for the military industrial complex. In 2010, Obama came to India to visit the Mumbai home of Gandhi, a hero of his, someone he would most like to dine with, very touching, before announcing a mega arms deal of GE fighter jet engines and Boeing military transport planes. Now, as he bombs Libya, Obama tries to sell F-18 fighter planes to Brazil. According to an aide, «President Obama underscored that the F-18 is the best plane on offer» as he made a «strong pitch» to Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff.

The President of the United States is also a spokesman for murderers and crooks. He doesn’t rule, but obeys. His main job is to deceive the masses as he serves his enablers. He can say anything at any time, and means none of it. The President of the United States is the world’s most visible actor, in short. Campaigning in 2007, Obama said, «If American workers are being denied their right to organize and collectively bargain when I’m in the White House, I’ll put on a comfortable pair of shoes myself. I’ll walk on that picket line with you as president of the United States.» Quite a performance. This year, as Wisconsin teachers fight to retain their right to collectively bargain, Obama has said absolutely nothing. One would have to be a fool to think he would join them. …

As Obama fizzles out, as he loses legitimacy, the power brokers will come up with other figureheads and slogans for American liberals and conservatives to become passionate about. These candidates will jabber, jab and insult each other. As in professional wrestling, the battle will appear fierce. Barack, meanwhile, can look forward to a lucrative memoir and six-figure speaking fees. Even that man of malapropisms and snafus, the much despised Bush, is getting $150,000 each time he opens his mouth these days.

In any case, the latest draconian farce in Haiti is only par for a savage course that Obama and Clinton have been carrying out from the get-go, standing on the shoulders of that giant statesman, Dubya. As I noted here almost two years ago (again following in Caruso’s footsteps):

Haiti has been a cursed nation throughout its existence. As I noted in a piece in 2004:

Exactly two hundred years ago, Haitian slaves overthrew their French masters — the first successful national slave revolt in history. What Spartacus dreamed of doing, the Haitian slaves actually accomplished. It was a tremendous achievement — and the white West has never forgiven them for it.

In order to win international recognition for their new country, Haiti was forced to pay «reparations» to the slaveowners – a crushing burden of debt they were still paying off at the end of the 19th century. The United States, which refused to recognize the country for more than 60 years, invaded Haiti in 1915, primarily to open it up to «foreign ownership of local concerns.» After 19 years of occupation, the Americans backed a series of bloodthirsty dictatorships to protect these «foreign owners.» And still it goes on.

It certainly does — even under the «enlightened» foreign policy of Barack Obama. As John Caruso reports (in separate pieces in A Distant Ocean and A Tiny Revolution), Obama and his «superstar» secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, are loudly championing the latest egregious, brutal farce that Washington and the West have foisted upon the uppity natives of Haiti.

Senatorial elections held this month by the government imposed on Haiti after the U.S.-backed coup of 2004 (more on this below) produced a turnout of less than 10 percent of eligible voters: a result that mocks any notion of a popular, legitimate democracy. But this is not because the Haitians are so lazy and disinterested that they couldn’t be bothered to vote. Nor that they are so satisfied with the benevolent, paternal care of their American-appointed masters that they saw no need to let silly electoral contests trouble their bucolic life.

No, the 90 percent refusal rate was in fact a massive protest action, driven chiefly by the fact that the American-backed government would not allow the most popular party — the party of the government ousted by the 2004 coup — to run a slate of candidates in the election. By clerkly hook and bureaucratic crook, Haiti’s election overseers banned the Fanmi Lavalas slate back in February. At that moment, the April elections became a dead letter, a meaningless farce — yet another cruel joke played on the people of Haiti.

Another April, another joke — and a third century of imperial revenge goes on.

NOTE: For more background, especially on the 2004 coup that led to the current crisis, see «Operation Continuing Sweatshop.» Below is an excerpt:

This week, the Bush administration added another violent «regime change» notch to its gunbelt, toppling the democratically elected president of Haiti and replacing him with an unelected gang of convicted killers, death squad leaders, militarists, narcoterrorists, CIA operatives, hereditary elitists and corporate predators – a bit like Team Bush itself, in other words.

Although the Haiti coup was widely portrayed as an irresistible upsurge of popular discontent, it was of course the result of years of hard work by Bush’s dedicated corrupters of democracy, as William Bowles of Information Clearinghouse reports. Bushist bagmen funded the political opposition to President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, smuggled guns to exiled Haitian warlords, and carried out a relentless strangulation of the county, cutting off long-promised financial and structural aid to one of the poorest nations on earth until food prices were soaring, unemployment spiked to 70 percent, and the broken-backed government lost control of society to armed gangs of criminals, fanatics and the merely desperate.

Meanwhile, Haiti was forced to pay $2 million a month on debts run up by the murderous U.S.-backed dictatorships that had ruled the island since the American military occupation of 1915-1934. The Haitian press, controlled by cronies of the former dictators, supplied the lazy American media with reams of stories about Aristide’s «tyranny.» These were swiftly followed by thunderous denunciations from the Bush Regime. Wholesale murders of government officials and Aristide partisans by Bush-backed opposition gangs were, of course, demurely ignored — as were Aristide’s own condemnations of violence by his supporters. The old reliable «madman» trope was also brought out for an airing, with constant press drumbeats about Aristide’s «mental instability.» (America’s designated targets are always «deranged monsters,» although sometimes, when they prove politically useful again, they miraculously recover their wits, like Libya’s Moamar Gadafy.)

[Note 2001: Although, as we can see today, our good reformed monsters always relapse — when it suits the imperial agenda.]

[Aristide’s] real crime, of course, was not the Florida-style election follies or the reported «tyranny.» … No, Aristide did something far worse than stuffing ballots or killing people — he tried to raise the minimum wage, to the princely sum of two dollars a day. This move outraged the American corporations — and their local lackeys — who have for generations used Haiti as a pool of dirt-cheap labor and sky-high profits. It was the last straw for the elitist factions, one of which is actually led by an American citizen and former Reagan-Bush appointee, manufacturing tycoon Andy Apaid.

Apaid was the point man for the rapacious Reagan-Bush «market reform» drive in Haiti. Of course, «reform,» in the degraded jargon of the privateers, means exposing even the very means of survival and sustenance to the ravages of powerful corporate interests. For example, the Reagan-Bush plan forced Haiti to lift import tariffs on rice, which had long been a locally-grown staple. Then they flooded Haiti with heavily subsidized American rice, destroying the local market and throwing thousands of self-sufficient farmers out of work. With a now-captive market, the American companies jacked up their prices, spreading ruin and hunger throughout Haitian society.

The jobless farmers provided new fodder for the factories of Apaid and his cronies. Reagan and Bush chipped in by abolishing taxes for American corporations who set up Haitian sweatshops. The result was a precipitous drop in wages — and life expectancy. Aristide’s first election in 1990 threatened these cozy arrangements, so he was duly ejected by a military coup, with Bush I’s not-so-tacit connivance.

Bill Clinton restored Aristide to office in 1994 — but only after forcing him to agree to, yes, «market reforms.» In fact, it was Clinton, the privateers’ pal, who instigated the post-election aid embargo that Bush II used to such devastating effect. Aristide’s chief failing as a leader was his attempt to live up to this bipartisan blackmail. As in every other nation that’s come under the IMF whip, Haiti’s already-fragile economy collapsed. Bush family retainers like Apaid then shoved the country into total chaos, making it easy prey for the warlords whom Bush operatives — many of them old Iran-Contra hands — supplied with arms through the Dominican Republic, the Boston Globe reports.

When Aristide called for an international force to stem the terrorist attack, Bush refused. When Aristide agreed to a deal, brokered by his fellow leaders in the Caribbean, that would have effectively ceded power to the Bush-funded opposition but at least preserved the lineaments of Haitian democracy — Apaid and the boys turned down the offer, with the blessing of their paymasters in Washington, who suddenly claimed they had no influence over their recalcitrant hired hands. When Aristide asked for American protection as the rebel gang closed in on the capital, Bush refused.

Instead, Aristide was told by armed American gunmen that if he didn’t resign, he would be left to die at the hands of the rebels. Then he was bundled onto a waiting plane and dumped in the middle of Africa. Within hours, the Bush-backed terrorists were marching openly through Port-au-Prince, executing Aristide’s supporters.

Guess they won’t be asking for two dollars a day now, eh? Mission accomplished!

This policy is what the Nobel Peace Laureate — the first African-American president in history — is now perpetuating in the only nation to liberate itself from slavery. But of course, the most important thing is not the dispossessed in Haiti, nor the innocent people in Libya, Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan being killed, day after day, by the Laureate’s bombs, bullets and assassins. No, the main thing is — he’s not John McCain! And we must put aside these trifles, these heaps of corpses, and rally around the prez to «defend our gains and regroup for a progressive counter-offensive in 2012!» The best is yet to come!

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After The Great Quake, Living With Earth’s Uncertainty

After The Great Quake, Living With Earth’s Uncertainty

By Verlyn Klinkenborg

03 April, 2011
Yale Environment 360

The Japanese earthquake and tsunami remind us that we exist in geologic time and in a world where catastrophic events beyond our predicting may occur. These events — and the growing specter of climate change — show how precariously we exist on the surface of a volatile planet

In my layman’s cosmology, the anthropic principle says this: our existence implies that the universe must take the shape it does or we wouldn’t be here to perceive it. A universe with even minutely different physical laws wouldn’t include us (which isn’t to say that such universes don’t exist).

An anthropic principle of sorts is also at work in geologic time — the 4.5 billion or so years this planet has existed. For the vast majority of Earth’s history, conditions were unsuitable for the evolution of mammals. (Nor were humans even remotely certain to evolve from those earliest mammals.) We’ve come to exist in the window of time in which we could have come to exist. Or rather, we’ve survived in the window of time in which we can survive. We call a portion of that window “historic time” — not the entire history of our species, but the history that’s part of our cultural record in one form or another, reaching back only several thousand years.

Historic time overlaps with geologic time the way a whale louse overlaps with the blue whale it infests, though the scale of that comparison is too small by several orders of magnitude. And yet it’s all too easy to believe, with the self-importance of a whale louse, that we exist apart from or outside of geologic time. That’s what our experience tells us. The last 10,000 years or so have been relatively uneventful, geologically speaking. Given the overall length of geologic time, it’s likely that any span of 10,000 years or so would be relatively uneventful.

But the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami remind us there’s no guarantee that historic time must be geologically uneventful. They remind us — forcibly, tragically — that, despite vast differences in extent, historic time and geologic time always converge in the present.

We’ve been reminded before. But one of the interesting things about humans, psychologically, is how rapidly history loses its tangibility. The eruption of Krakatoa in August 1883 occurred two months before my maternal grandfather was born, putting it within a degree or two of personal connection. And yet, as an event, it’s no more palpable to me or anyone living than the major Sumatra earthquake that preceded Krakatoa by 50 years — or the eruption of the Yellowstone supervolcano 640,000 years ago.

Seismologists were surprised by the magnitude of the Tohoku earthquake, which exceeded their predictions for earthquakes along that fault line. But then seismologists have only had 130 years of earthquakes — at the outside — in which to calibrate their instruments. Realistically, they’ve had much less time than that. Which is to say that an understanding of what’s seismically likely, based on our experience, may come to differ sharply from an understanding of what’s seismically possible.

Perhaps you’ve seen a computer animation showing the breaking apart of Pangaea, the super-continent that existed some 250 million years ago. In animation, the continents “drift” — that is the word, after all — into their present position as though they were running on greased ball bearings. The animation captures the average motion of the continents, a few centimeters a year. An average is an abstraction.

But the tectonic plates that continents rest on neither glide nor drift, nor is their movement abstract. They lurch, heave, resist, yield, bend, fracture, ripping great seams in the planet’s crust, forcing each other down into the mantle below the crust — a process that sounds much more benign when it’s called subduction. None of this happens averagely. It happens momentarily, event by event over eons, generating volcanism and seismic activity on a scale we know almost nothing about, living, as we do, in conditions that allow our existence.

The trouble is that we look back at the breaking up of Pangaea and the movement of the continents and think, well, that’s how we got here, as if we’d arrived somewhere special and the process had somehow paused for us. Two hundred and fifty million years from now, another animation might lead its viewers (whoever they may be) to look back at where the continents are now and think the same thing, as though in 2011 we were — as we are — merely a moment in the ongoing migration of the tectonic plates.

Geologically speaking, we manage to be nowhere special (that’s also our location in the universe) and, at the same time, in a period special enough to allow our existence (ditto). Historically speaking we’re someplace unique — here and now — a uniqueness we share with every other moment that has been or will be the present. Some of those moments were placid. Some were and will be violent beyond our imagining, off the scale even by the standards of Tohoku.

The uneasiness I think we all feel since the Tohoku earthquake is a compound of many things, including the forcible realization that we’re living in geologic time, where catastrophic events capable of dwarfing our outposts of civilization do occur. The next massive eruption of Yellowstone isn’t likely, but it certainly isn’t impossible. It’s one of those things you worry about knowing you shouldn’t worry about it.

But I recognize the uneasiness from somewhere else. As we watch the specter of climate change unfold — trying to grasp the shifting, accelerating likelihoods — we’re looking at potential change of a kind normally associated with geologic time. It’s as though we’re running our own high-speed animation of atmospheric and climatic models over epochs — so much so that scientists seeking meaningful comparisons in temperature and atmospheric carbon concentrations look tens of millions of years before the Holocene, which includes all of historic time. Except that the atmospheric and climatic changes we’re looking at aren’t models. They’re real.

The Tohoku earthquake and tsunami were genuinely humbling, a reminder that we ride skimming on the surface of a volatile planet. But what’s the word for the emotion caused by knowing we’re contributing to the planet’s volatility? We run the risk of raising global average temperature at a rate faster than any time in the past 50 million years (5 degrees C by 2100). As ice masses melt and sea levels rise, the load on the Earth’s crust will change, with the likelihood of what is gingerly called “geospheric response” — i.e., more earthquakes and volcanoes. This is a subject only beginning to be understood by geologists.

A terrible uncertainty follows a major earthquake, an uncertainty we’ve always lived with. It dies down after a time, like the memory in Japan of the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake or the memory in this country of the San Francisco earthquake of 1906. But there’s a more terrible uncertainty in how we live and where we’re headed — the uneasy feeling that we’re entering geologic time in a way we’ve never known before.

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Verlyn Klinkenborg is a member of the editorial board at the New York Times. His books include Timothy; Or, Notes of an Abject Reptile, The Rural Life, and Making Hay. In previous articles for Yale Environment 360, Klinkenborg reflected on the bicentennial of Charles Darwin’s birth and explained why he continues to oppose geneticaly modified crops.

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